ORIGINAL eSCREENPLAYS (DIGITAL SCREENPLAYS) & CINEMATIC BOOKS

Strangers of Santiago and Beyond

Strangers of Santiago and Beyond
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On a sleepy night in Santiago, the unremarked apartment building at Calle San Isidro 332 hides a hidden drama. Inside, Kasia Pomes—a Polish immigrant in her mid-50s—quietly manages this old tenement. Unbeknownst to many, Kasia’s landlord is a local crime syndicate, and her loyalty is its secret. In Hugo Lunny’s screenplay The Strangers of Santiago, she’s desperate to escape the life she’s been trapped in, but the gang running the building will not release its valuable “manager.”[1]


Section Index


Lunny’s fictional tale mirrors a real pattern: South America’s cities often host immigrant crime syndicates of varying stripes. In Santiago, as in many Latin capitals, versions of this drama play out daily.

Latin America has long been seen as a haven for outlaws and fugitives. In the mid-20th century, war criminals and despots fled here, and rumors swirled of hidden Mafia communities in cities like Buenos Aires and Rio. Today, law enforcement reports confirm that crime follows global trends: Italian mobsters, Balkan cartels, Russian mafias, Asian triads, and Middle Eastern trafficking rings have all set foot on Latin soil. These networks exploit porous borders, weak governance, and large immigrant flows, intertwining with local clans. A 2025 study notes that “Russian-speaking organized crime is capitalizing on [Latin America’s] permissive environment,” engaging in drugs and money laundering while colluding with native cartels.[2]

Balkan Syndicates

In Bolivia in 2014, Serbian ex-paratrooper Goran Popovic—an international fugitive wanted for drug trafficking—was shot dead in a Santa Cruz café. Investigation revealed Popovic was part of “Grupo América,” a Balkan-run syndicate trafficking cocaine from South America to Europe for over a decade.[3] The hit was one of many: Balkan crime cells have quietly extended their reach to Ecuador, Peru, and Brazil, seizing shipment routes and even burying bodies in the jungle.

Over three decades these Western Balkan groups have “grown their footprint in the region,” sending huge cocaine consignments to Europe.[4] In Ecuador, dozens of arrests and killings of Serbs, Montenegrins, and Albanians have underscored this hidden infiltration.[5] Analysts say Balkans traffickers now buy kilos in Latin producer countries (as little as a few thousand dollars each) and sell them for ten times more in Europe,[6] exploiting bribes and lax port controls.[7]


For more information on The Strangers of Santiago check out the production’s official page.


Italian Mafia Operations

In Uruguay and Argentina, Italian “camorristi” and ‘Ndrangheta bosses have also turned the continent into a playground. In mid-2025, Colombian police arrested Giuseppe “Peppe” Palermo, a senior Calabrian mobster, on a Bogotá street. Palermo led an ‘Ndrangheta cell in Latin America, purchasing and shipping cocaine from Colombia, Peru, and Ecuador to Europe.[8]

Carabinieri and Interpol report that Italian bosses now often send emissaries to buy high-grade coca from local cartels. Colombian officials say Camorra operatives have helped prep and store shipments destined for Amsterdam and beyond.[9] Old World mafias have remapped their routes: avoiding middlemen in Mexico or the U.S., they deal directly with Latin suppliers to cut costs.[10]

Chinese Criminal Networks

Chinese Criminal Networks

Chinese networks, bolstered by booming China–Latin trade, have become deeply entwined with South American contraband. Chinese-run ports and companies proliferate on both coasts, creating new smuggling hubs. Experts warn that Chinese criminal organizations dominate the illicit wildlife trade in Latin America, shipping pangolins, shark fins, rosewood, and exotic fauna through sea containers headed for China.[11]

Because many South American ports are now partially or fully operated by Chinese firms, authorities worry that opacity and unilateral control at terminals (like Peru’s new Chancay port or Brazil’s Paranaguá) could aid criminals. One researcher notes that limited transparency in Chinese-led port projects facilitates bribery and makes cargo harder to inspect.[12] Networks of Chinese snakeheads and business intermediaries launder gold or drugs through Latin America, leveraging diaspora communities and occasional complicit diplomats.[13]

Middle Eastern Cells

In the tri-border area of Argentina, Brazil, and Paraguay, Lebanese and Syrian immigrants form tight-knit enclaves. Analysts have documented that Hezbollah’s Latin American finances are built on local illicit schemes—drug sales, cigarette smuggling, and counterfeit goods trafficking.[14] The Lebanese diaspora provides “cultural and financial support,” making the region a fundraising hub for the group.[15] Criminal-religious cells leverage immigrant community ties: front companies and charity fronts mix with rackets, funneling profits to distant handlers.

Tren de Aragua

A far more immediate crisis is unfolding with Venezuelan migrants. Since 2017, some Venezuelans fleeing economic collapse have brought with them a deadly enterprise: Tren de Aragua. This gang began in Tocorón prison, Aragua state, and has spread with migration across Latin America—Peru, Bolivia, Ecuador, and Chile.[16]


Don’t forget to check out “The Strangers of Santiago” Behind The Screenplay page for more information on the writing inspiration and process.


In Chile, authorities traced kidnappings, torture chambers, and ransom murders to Tren de Aragua cells. One notorious case (the murder of ex-Lieutenant Ronald Ojeda) led prosecutors to openly accuse the gang of burying bodies in Santiago’s desert. A police raid revealed Tren’s luxury bus, carrying both migrants and 140 kg of drugs, hauled through Chile under cover of a “legitimate” bus company.[17]

Violent newcomers have driven a surge in kidnappings for ransom—from a yearly average of ~7 in 2020 to over 40 by 2023 in greater Santiago.[18] Dozens of Venezuelans have been arrested as alleged Tren foot soldiers, accused of torture, trafficking, and extortion in cities from Arica to Rancagua.[19] U.S. officials now treat Tren de Aragua as a transnational crime-terror hybrid.[20]

Key Examples of Immigrant Crime Networks

  • Tren de Aragua (Venezuela): Originating in a Venezuelan prison, this gang now operates in Chile, Peru, Colombia, Brazil, and beyond. It has been accused in Chile of torture, kidnapping, and murder. Chilean police linked Tren members to the death of Venezuelan ex-soldier Ronald Ojeda. Tren cells even used migrant bus services as fronts, moving hundreds of migrants and massive drug shipments.
  • Balkan Syndicates: Groups like Serbia’s Grupo América have run cocaine from Colombia and Bolivia to Europe since the 2000s. In Ecuador and Peru, Bosnian and Albanian traffickers have embedded in port cities and mountain labs, benefiting from weak oversight. Balkan mobsters exploit murky contacts from war-torn homelands—one reporter notes these veterans of the 1990s wars are “among the most prolific international criminal organizations” today.[21]
  • Italian Mafia (Camorra, ‘Ndrangheta, Cosa Nostra): Recent arrests in Colombia of ‘Ndrangheta bosses (e.g., Giuseppe Palermo) highlight how Calabrian clans purchase cocaine directly from Andean cartels. Colombian and Italian investigators note Camorra cells in Medellín coordinating cocaine to Europe via Amsterdam, bypassing cartel middlemen.
  • Chinese Triads and Networks: Alongside massive legal trade, Chinese organized crime thrives on wildlife smuggling and drug routes. Chinese criminals dominate shipments of illegal timber, wildlife, and even fentanyl precursors from Latin America, taking advantage of new Chinese-owned ports. Their crimes often hide under legitimate commerce; investigators suspect some Chinese-owned operations let containers of rare animals or narcotics slip by unchecked.
  • Middle Eastern Cells (Hezbollah-linked): Latin American branches of Middle Eastern extremist networks funnel money through local vices. Hezbollah, in particular, runs counterfeit goods and drug rings in tri-border commerce. Lebanese diaspora organizations provide cover and funding networks, making smuggling routes through Paraguay and Brazil serve both gangster and terrorist ends.

These patterns contradict simplistic “immigrants-as-criminals” stereotypes. The outfits above are transnational syndicates, not representative of entire nationalities. Public fear often swings wildly. Chile’s press has at times sensationalized every immigrant skirmish as a Mafia takeover. But in many cases, petty Latin street gangs simply claim a foreign boss to gain prestige. Still, for law enforcement the threats are real, if patchy.

Historically, big diasporas haven’t always fostered crime waves. Early 20th-century Italians in Argentina mostly integrated through politics and business, not bloody gangs. But globalization has altered the calculus. Cartel money, cheap air travel, encrypted messaging, and corruptible officials let newcomers link continents.

The story of immigrants and crime in South America is neither wholly myth nor simple moral. It is a story of global markets and local vacuums, of dreamers and desperados crossing Andes passes and seas alike. From the narrow alleys of Santiago’s barrios to the jungles around Manaus or Paraguay’s border camps, outsiders—whether Poles, Syrians, Brazilians, or Venezuelans—have left an imprint on organized crime. Authorities today trace these networks through layers: the Balkan archipelago of crime alliances, the Chinese-run port terminals, even the crypto-wallets of overseas financiers.

The file of The Strangers of Santiago reminds us that for every immigrant building manager trapped by ganglords, there is an untold real history of how those gangs got built in the first place. By piecing together news reports and history—from Balkan traffickers spotted in Bolivian cafes to Italian mob bosses hiding in Montevideo and Medellín[22]—we start to see the full, complex map of immigrant crime in this hemisphere.



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